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For a small-scale gold miner in Uganda, the question of where to sell has just been answered for him. Gold has surpassed coffee as Uganda's largest export, and as of last month, the country's central bank is positioning itself as the dominant legal buyer for nearly all of it.
Late in April, the Bank of Uganda launched a three-year gold-buying program that registers it as a gold dealer purchasing directly from licensed Ugandan miners through contracts with two refiners. Settlement happens in Uganda shillings at international gold prices, with a target of 7 to 10 metric tons per year and an initial 100-kilogram purchase worth roughly $160 million. A separate Ministry of Energy notice, issued in December 2025, banned all unlicensed gold trading inside Uganda. Licensed private exporters technically remain in the market, but in practice the central bank's procurement pipeline now sits at the front of the queue.
Uganda's stated goals are familiar: build foreign reserves, diversify away from fiat currency, develop domestic refining capacity, formalize artisanal mining, and reduce illicit trade. But concentrating so much purchasing power in a single state buyer carries costs that work against every one of those goals. The program is more likely to expand smuggling, alienate foreign investment, distort price signals across the global gold market, and transfer value from Ugandan producers to the Ugandan state.
The program fits a wider pattern. The Bank of Tanzania ordered miners and dealers in October 2024 to sell 20% of output to government at market prices in exchange for lower royalty rates. Ghana went further with the Gold Board Act, 2025, making GoldBod the only legal buyer and exporter of small-scale gold from May 2025 and adding 39.4 metric tons to formal export channels in nine months.
The pattern extends beyond Africa. The People's Bank of China has bought gold for thirteen straight months and is reducing its US Treasury holdings in parallel. The Bank of Russia restarted domestic gold buying in March 2022 after Western jurisdictions froze its dollar reserves. The motivation in each case is straightforward. The $300 billion freeze of Bank of Russia reserves demonstrated how quickly sovereign assets denominated in dollars or euros can be cut off, and physical gold offers a way out of that exposure. Sustained official buying has been a contributing factor in the recent run-up in gold prices.
Uganda's approach goes a step beyond passive accumulation. The Bank of Uganda has positioned itself as the dominant buyer for new production, while the December 2025 rule narrows the pool of allowed sellers further. The right to sell freely shifts from miners and refiners to the central bank, with predictable consequences.
The first external effect is more smuggling, not less. Small-scale miners produce roughly 90% of Uganda's domestic gold. A government buyer paying in shillings cannot match the prices on offer in informal cross-border markets. SwissAid estimates that 321 to 474 metric tons of African artisanal gold leaves the continent undeclared each year, and Ugandan officials estimate 2 trillion (UGX) in smuggling losses for 2024 alone. Most of the displaced supply will move toward Kenya, Rwanda, Burundi, the DRC, and South Sudan before making its way to the UAE for processing.
The second effect is sanctions evasion. Gold held by a state is easier to trade outside the dollar system than gold held by private firms. The UAE imported 66 metric tons of Russian gold in 2024, and Dubai is a key conduit for illicit flows from Sudan and the Democratic Republic of Congo. The US Treasury's January 2025 sanctions on the Sudanese Rapid Support Forces gold network show how undeclared African gold already settles trade outside the dollar, and enforcement options for gold are far weaker than the tools available within the fiat currency system.