In other words, they don't want a new Iran deal.

But most Republicans do want a deal. As Responsible Statecraft's Stavroula Pabst reported on May 12, "As U.S.-Iran talks continue, new polling finds that nearly two-thirds of Republicans support a negotiated deal on Iran's nuclear program over military action intended to destroy it."

Pabst explained:

"Indeed, polling published by the University of Maryland Critical Issues Poll program and conducted by the SSRS Opinion Panel Omnibus from May 2 through 5, surveying over 1,000 respondents over 18, showed that a majority of Americans, 69%—including 64% percent of Republicans—view a negotiated agreement to limit Iran's nuclear program, with monitoring, as the best way to prevent Iran from obtaining a nuclear weapon."

It seems that on Iran, the Republican members of Congress are out of sync with the voters who put them there.

Stavroula would add of President Trump's special envoy Steve Witkoff, "Witkoff shared one thing in common with the Iranians—that 'no enrichment' is a red line, for the Americans who don't want any enrichment, and for the Iranians, who say they must have it for their civilian nuclear program."

The Republicans who signed that letter know this. Again, they don't want a deal.

So many of them want a U.S. war with Iran and have said so many times. President Trump seeking diplomacy over military action wrecks their war plans.

So they play games, like issuing this phony, dishonest letter.

The gap between the majority of Republican voters who want a deal and the nearly two-hundred Republicans in Congress who don't appears to reflect a difference in the culture of the GOP's voting base vs. the Washington establishment.

However imperfectly, Donald Trump has imposed an 'America First' ethos on Republican identity, something so many of his supporters eagerly embraced. A major part of that identity is no more wars and overseas nation-building. Neoconservative Republicans like Liz Cheney and Adam Kinzinger were eventually pushed out of their own party, feigning over alleged MAGA threats to democracy, but in reality with an understanding that their zeal for war and empire ran counter to what Trump represented.

So they bailed. Republican voters didn't want them anymore. Still, the remaining congressional Republicans of their mindset continue to have to operate in a party that Trump has reshaped, but that doesn't mean so many have changed from being the reflexively war-happy, Bush-Cheney neocons they've been for most of their careers.

The primary difference between neocon Lindsey Graham and neocon Liz Cheney is that Graham has accepted doing what it takes to remain withing Trump's movement and good graces. On foreign policy, Graham and Cheney don't differ one bit.